Pourmohammadi, in a public message after his exit in the first round, greeted those who had voted but also expressed "respect" to all those who "did not believe us and did not come."
Turnout at the polls was just 40 percent, the lowest since 1979.
"His presence and absence from him are full of messages that I hope will be heard. His message is clear and unequivocal," the cleric said on social media.
As Pezeshkian and Jalili concluded their Monday and Tuesday television debates in which they presented their courses of action and clashed vigorously over approaches and mindsets on social, economic and diplomatic issues, the overriding question in Friday's elections is not just whether the reformist or The hard line will prevail.
In reality, it is a question of whether this question even concerns the great mass of (absentee) voters.
More generally, will the 60 percent, who abstained from going to the polls last Friday, abandon their apathy about participating in the elections - no matter how narrow or imperfect - and keep faith in the exercise as means of political participation and social change?
Participation in elections, both presidential and parliamentary, has long been considered a sign of legitimacy of the Iranian system. However, these hopes have been belied in the current early elections, as well as in the parliamentary elections earlier this year (41 percent) and the previous presidential elections (2021), won by Ebrahim Raisi, with 48.8 percent. percent.
An impassioned appeal by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ahead of the June 28 election for "maximum" voter turnout as a message to the country's "enemies" appeared to have failed to sway voters. It remains to be seen what effect his new appeal will have before the second round, and the establishment will have to confront the question of legacy sooner or later.
Participation figured prominently in the debates between Pezeshkian and Jalili.
While Jalili asked to examine why there is a "decrease in popular participation" in the elections, Pezeshkian was more strident and described it as "unacceptable that 60 percent of the people did not go to the polls."
The reformist candidate also linked it to broader social and political issues, such as Internet restrictions and the hijab issue, saying it is also due to women or some ethnic groups "who are not committed to us."
"When we ignore people's rights and don't want to hear their voices, expecting them to go to the polls is not a reasonable expectation. When 60 percent of the people don't come to vote, we should feel that something is wrong. "There is a deficiency," he said, according to transcripts of the debates in the Iranian media.
Pezeshkian's remarks, promising looser social restrictions and negotiations to ease sanctions pressure, also spoke to a large section of the disillusioned electorate seeking reforms but not voting as they face a clear loss if he returns. stay home on Friday. .
In the first round, on June 28, Pezeshkian obtained 10.41 million votes, while Jalili was not far behind with 9.47 million, of the 24.5 million votes cast, or just about 40 percent of the 61 million voters.
Pre-poll favorite: Majles Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf came in third with 3.38 million votes, while Pourmohammadi got only 206,397 votes.
The other two permitted candidates, Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani and Vice President Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, both conservatives, had resigned days before Friday's election.
As the election headed to a second round and neither Pezeshkian nor Jalili achieved a margin of victory of 50 percent plus one, Qalibaf, Zakani and Hashemi appealed to their followers to support Jalili. Pourmohammadi did not explicitly endorse anyone, but his indirect attack on Jalili for attracting broader sanctions by blocking FATF recommendations is telling.
While the conservative camp's combined vote count appears sufficient to propel Jalili to victory, there is a caveat.
As Pourmohammadi shows, despite appearances and (mainly Western) perceptions, Iranian politics is not just two opposing reformist or conservative camps, distinct and united, but a more fluid system due to many different subgroups with their own agendas and aspirations. . There is also an overlap in policies, whether of hardline conservatives or progressive reformers.
But political participation, or rather the lack thereof, remains a constant challenge and it remains to be seen whether Pourmohammadi's hopes become reality.
Turnout at the polls was just 40 percent, the lowest since 1979.
"His presence and absence from him are full of messages that I hope will be heard. His message is clear and unequivocal," the cleric said on social media.
As Pezeshkian and Jalili concluded their Monday and Tuesday television debates in which they presented their courses of action and clashed vigorously over approaches and mindsets on social, economic and diplomatic issues, the overriding question in Friday's elections is not just whether the reformist or The hard line will prevail.
In reality, it is a question of whether this question even concerns the great mass of (absentee) voters.
More generally, will the 60 percent, who abstained from going to the polls last Friday, abandon their apathy about participating in the elections - no matter how narrow or imperfect - and keep faith in the exercise as means of political participation and social change?
Participation in elections, both presidential and parliamentary, has long been considered a sign of legitimacy of the Iranian system. However, these hopes have been belied in the current early elections, as well as in the parliamentary elections earlier this year (41 percent) and the previous presidential elections (2021), won by Ebrahim Raisi, with 48.8 percent. percent.
An impassioned appeal by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ahead of the June 28 election for "maximum" voter turnout as a message to the country's "enemies" appeared to have failed to sway voters. It remains to be seen what effect his new appeal will have before the second round, and the establishment will have to confront the question of legacy sooner or later.
Participation figured prominently in the debates between Pezeshkian and Jalili.
While Jalili asked to examine why there is a "decrease in popular participation" in the elections, Pezeshkian was more strident and described it as "unacceptable that 60 percent of the people did not go to the polls."
The reformist candidate also linked it to broader social and political issues, such as Internet restrictions and the hijab issue, saying it is also due to women or some ethnic groups "who are not committed to us."
"When we ignore people's rights and don't want to hear their voices, expecting them to go to the polls is not a reasonable expectation. When 60 percent of the people don't come to vote, we should feel that something is wrong. "There is a deficiency," he said, according to transcripts of the debates in the Iranian media.
Pezeshkian's remarks, promising looser social restrictions and negotiations to ease sanctions pressure, also spoke to a large section of the disillusioned electorate seeking reforms but not voting as they face a clear loss if he returns. stay home on Friday. .
In the first round, on June 28, Pezeshkian obtained 10.41 million votes, while Jalili was not far behind with 9.47 million, of the 24.5 million votes cast, or just about 40 percent of the 61 million voters.
Pre-poll favorite: Majles Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf came in third with 3.38 million votes, while Pourmohammadi got only 206,397 votes.
The other two permitted candidates, Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani and Vice President Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, both conservatives, had resigned days before Friday's election.
As the election headed to a second round and neither Pezeshkian nor Jalili achieved a margin of victory of 50 percent plus one, Qalibaf, Zakani and Hashemi appealed to their followers to support Jalili. Pourmohammadi did not explicitly endorse anyone, but his indirect attack on Jalili for attracting broader sanctions by blocking FATF recommendations is telling.
While the conservative camp's combined vote count appears sufficient to propel Jalili to victory, there is a caveat.
As Pourmohammadi shows, despite appearances and (mainly Western) perceptions, Iranian politics is not just two opposing reformist or conservative camps, distinct and united, but a more fluid system due to many different subgroups with their own agendas and aspirations. . There is also an overlap in policies, whether of hardline conservatives or progressive reformers.
But political participation, or rather the lack thereof, remains a constant challenge and it remains to be seen whether Pourmohammadi's hopes become reality.
