By Dr. Chandan Kumar

New Delhi [India], In 2023, India took the helm of two major international groupings: the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the G20. On July 4, 2023, the country hosted the 22nd Summit of the Council of Heads of State of the SCO in virtual format, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

This event marked the first time that India headed the SCO, emphasizing its ambition to strengthen ties with the five Central Asian countries. India's presidency of the SCO came during a period of global upheaval, marked by the coronavirus pandemic. COVID-19, the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, and the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. These developments have disrupted established international political norms, presenting India with a unique opportunity to guide debates on critical issues affecting Eurasian politics and beyond.

Strengthening relations with Central Asia, a region of significant geostrategic importance and part of India's "extended neighbourhood", was a prime objective for Indian policy makers.

Through the SCO, India aimed to foster multilateral cooperation with the Central Asian republics, improve connectivity, boost trade relations and promote regional security.India became a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO ) in 2017 during the annual summit of SCO Heads of State in Astana, Kazakhstan, together with Pakistan. Prior to this, India held observer status in the SCO since 2005.

Recognizing the potential of the organization, India initiated the process of full membership in 2015 at the Ufa Summit in Russia. This move aligned with India's renewed global engagement efforts after Prime Minister Modi took office in 2014, along with a strategic push to strengthen ties with the Central Asia region, which had previously been of secondary importance. for India's foreign policy.

Other motivations for India to join the SCO included improving connectivity between Central and South Asia, promoting energy security, and fighting terrorism and illegal narcotics trafficking. Without this organization, the Eurasian region would have become a hotbed of ethnic struggles, regime changes and radicalism. The smaller states of Central Asia need assistance from external powers to maintain internal stability and counteract external influences.

They face existential threats from major regional powers and radical influences in neighboring areas. In particular, the SCO has established a geopolitical balance, aligning the interests of the major powers of Central Asia. However, it has also limited Western influence in Eurasia.

In summary, the SCO has contributed in three key ways: fostering political stability in Central Asia, harmonizing the interests of the region's major powers, and curbing the spread of terrorism, separatism and radicalism. India's entry into the SCO in 2017 has significantly altered the dynamics of the organization. The SCO can no longer be labeled as a coalition of authoritarian states with an anti-Western agenda. Russia and Central Asian states supported India's inclusion, considering it a benevolent stabilizer and potential regional investor. However, there are serious concerns about how the current border conflicts between China and India and Pakistan-India could affect the organization. Additionally, Beijing and Moscow will need to allow New Delhi greater influence as it becomes increasingly active and involved in the region.

Currently, as a new member, India is not aggressively pushing its own agenda, focusing rather on collaborative development goals and avoiding confrontation. However, as India's engagement in Central Asia deepens, its role within the SCO is expected to evolve.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) remains very important for India for several reasons. First, it aligns well with India's broader multi-alignment strategy, complementing its participation in other groups such as BRICS and reinforcing its policy of maintaining diverse international partnerships. Furthermore, India has crucial geopolitical interests in Eurasia, driven by both trade and security considerations, as stability in Central Asia is vital to India's own security. Without being a member of the SCO, the efforts of the India by engaging with Central Asia would be hampered, potentially allowing China and Pakistan to create unfavorable conditions for India's involvement in the region.

Furthermore, India's membership in the SCO supports Russia and Central Asian states in balancing China's influence in the region. Central Asian states are also eager to strengthen economic ties with India, making it imperative for New Delhi to prioritize participation in Central Asian development, connectivity and infrastructure projects.

In recent years, India's highest political offices have actively pushed for connectivity projects, coinciding with India's membership in the SCO and its proactive engagement with the region. This initiative aligns with a parallel desire among Central Asian states, particularly Uzbekistan, to improve connections between Central Asia and South Asia. For example, during the 2022 Samarkand Summit in Uzbekistan, Prime Minister Modi held talks with Russia, Iran and Uzbekistan to accelerate connectivity projects along the North-South axis. These projects include the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Project, with efforts to integrate Chabahar under the INSTC framework.

India has also used the SCO platform to engage with Central Asian States on regional security issues, particularly with regard to terrorism emanating from Afghanistan. Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, three of the five Central Asian states, share borders with Afghanistan and are crucial stakeholders in the stability of the region. Today, the SCO needs to implement measures to counter ISIS threats emerging from Afghanistan.

India's proactive participation in the SCO demonstrates its commitment to fostering regional stability, enhancing connectivity and promoting economic cooperation in Eurasia. As India's role within the SCO evolves, its influence in Central Asia, aligning with its broader strategic objectives in the region.

(Dr. Chandan Kumar, Ph. D in Buddhist History, is a young scholar. He works as an assistant professor in the Department of History, Satyawati College, University of Delhi.)